Show simple item record Russell, Lena Genee, Inge van Lier, Eva Zúñiga, Fernando 2021-07-09T18:23:40Z 2021-07-09T18:23:40Z 2012
dc.identifier.citation Russell, L., Genee, I., van Lier, E., & Zúñiga, F. (2012). Referential hierarchies in three-participant constructions in Blackfoot: The effects of animacy, person, and specificity. Linguistic Discovery, 10(3), 55-79. en_US
dc.description Open access article. Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License (CC BY-NC 4.0) applies en_US
dc.description.abstract This paper discusses alignment patterns in three-participant constructions in Blackfoot (Western Algonquian; Canada, USA). We demonstrate the effects of referential hierarchies relating to animacy, person and specificity. Blackfoot verbs stem are subcategorized for transitivity and the animacy of S (for intransitives) and P(atient), R(ecipient), T(heme), or B(eneficiary) (for (di)transitives), showing cross-reference with at most two participants. Nonspecific participants are never cross-referenced, resulting in the possibility of constructions with three or even four participants, only one of which is cross-referenced on the verb. Even when all participants in a three-participant construction are specific, only two can be cross-referenced on the verb: the A and what is generally called the ‘primary object’ in Algonquian studies (T, R or B depending on the specific stem in question). Any remaining participants are not cross-referenced on the verb, irrespective of their specificity status. Whether T, R or B is chosen to be the primary object is lexically determined by the verbal stem, and more in particular by the so-called ‘final’, a derivational morpheme which closes every verb stem in Blackfoot. While Algonquian languages are often thought to display only secundative alignment, in line with the overwhelming importance of animacy in their grammars, we show that some stems require indirective alignment, while others allow for both configurations. Cross-referencing of A and B occurs as a result of applicativization with a benefactive final, which downgrades any potentially present T and/or R participants to non-cross-referenced objects. Finally, Blackfoot allows for a form of marking additional participants by a preverbal element called a ‘relative root’, which licenses a participant without influencing crossreferencing patterns and without indicating the specificity or animacy of the licensed participant. en_US
dc.language.iso en_US en_US
dc.publisher Dartouth College Library en_US
dc.subject Referential hierarchies
dc.subject Three-participant
dc.subject Animacy
dc.subject Specificity
dc.subject Person
dc.subject.lcsh Siksika language
dc.subject.lcsh Siksika language--Animacy
dc.subject.lcsh Siksika language--Person
dc.subject.lcsh Algonquian languages
dc.title Referential hierarchies in three-participant constructions in Blackfoot: the effects of animacy, person, and specificity en_US
dc.type Article en_US
dc.publisher.faculty Arts and Science en_US
dc.publisher.department Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics en_US
dc.description.peer-review Yes en_US
dc.publisher.institution University of Lethbridge en_US
dc.publisher.institution University of Amsterdam en_US
dc.publisher.institution University of Zurich en_US
dc.publisher.institution Kainai First Nation en_US
dc.publisher.url en_US

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